Tag Archives: Kosovo

Europe’s Pro-War Leftists: Selling “Humanitarian Intervention”

“I believe in two principles: never again war and never again Auschwitz.”[1]

These words could be heard at a convention of the Green Party of Germany in May 1999, during the NATO bombing campaign against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in which Germany participated. The speaker was the Green politician Joschka Fischer, Germany’s Foreign Minister at the time. His comment was meant to be a justification for the war against the Serbian people, the same people that already had to suffer under German imperialism in two World Wars.

In the 70s this same Mr. Fischer was a radical leftist activist and in the 80s he became one of the founders of Germany’s Green Party. The premise behind its creation was to give political and parliamentary representation to all the different environmentalist and anti-war groups. At that time, if anyone had spoken about the possibility that this same party would one day play an active role in a war of aggression against Yugoslavia at the end of the millennium, it would have been labeled as absurd. In fact, direct German involvement in any war used to be completely taboo and no one from the Left or from the Right would have even dared to consider such an option; the popular consensus was that after 1945, no war would be started out of Germany ever again.

This political transition in Germany, which has been mirrored across much of Western Europe, is important for understanding how it came to pass that many mainstream “leftists” became modern-day warmongers, sometimes to even greater extremes than their conservative counterparts.

It is their promotion of the self-contradictory concept of “humanitarian interventionism” (as carried out, for example against Yugoslavia in 1999 and Libya in 2011) that has come to make the approach of allegedly “progressive” policy-makers so subversive. Their moral authority is spun as being much more credible than the more blatant ranting of neo-conservative preachers of hate.

In Western Europe, most proponents of militarisation on the mainstream Left are associated with Green or Social Democratic parties. One of the first advocates of militarized “humanitarian intervention” was Daniel Cohn-Bendit, member of the Green Party of France. He was also one of the masterminds behind the abolition of European nation states in favour of a stronger European Union. During the Civil War in the former Yugoslav Republic of Bosnia, Cohn-Bendit demanded that the Serbs had to be bombed, and anyone who didn’t agree with that would carry the same burden of guilt as those who turned a blind eye to the Fascist mass murder in World War Two:

“Shame on us! We, the generation that held our parents’ generation in such contempt because of its political cowardice, now we watch on seemingly helpless, powerless and yet still holier-than-thou as the Bosnian Muslims are ethnically cleansed.”[2]

Indeed, the ploy of drawing parallels with Nazi crimes in order to demonise a rival who stands in the way of Western geostrategic interests was perfected during the Bosnian war. A case in point was the story of the so-called death camps in Bosnia: In August 1992, a British newspaper published a photograph of an emaciated man behind a fence, which was supposed to be proof of the existence of Nazi-style concentration camps run by Serbs. However, as German journalist Thomas Deichmann later found out, the man was standing outside the fence and therefore was not imprisoned behind barbed wire.[3] To be sure, detention camps existed on all sides and there is no doubt that conditions there were often horrific. The point, however, is that Western propagandists tried to whitewash the Croat and Muslim sides, portraying them wholly as victims, while at the same time presenting the Bosnian Serbs as barbarians and Nazis.

Using labels to demonize opponents or even whole populations is not a new concept when it comes to the mudslinging of propaganda wars. A de-politicised understanding of Fascism merely as a form of nationalism makes it possible for postmodern leftists to present wars of aggression as “humanitarian interventions” and therefore as “anti-fascism” in action. The more traditional leftist idea of anti-fascism would view fascism not only as a chauvinist/racist ideology, but would also consider its economic background and the alliance of high finance, the arms industry and political elites.

When the United Nations Security Council proposed Resolution 1973 on the establishment of a no-fly zone over Libya in March 2011, which served as a pretence for attacking the country, Germany abstained from voting, along with Russia, China, India and Brazil. The German conservative-liberal coalition government was heavily criticised by Social Democratic and especially Green circles for not taking a stronger pro-war stance. Former Foreign Minister Joschka Fischer attacked his successor Guido Westerwelle for not having supported the resolution of the warmongers, and added that Germany could now “forget about a constant seat in the U.N. Security Council.”[4]

Therefore it is not surprising that in the current conflict in Syria (which is significantly orchestrated and financed by the West, as were the civil wars in Yugoslavia and Libya), Western Europe’s Green politicians and other liberal leftists are the strongest proponents of a policy of escalation towards the Al Assad government. Claudia Roth, one of the two current German Green Party chairs, recently hosted a TV debate on Syria and shouted down any voice of reason pleading for negotiations with the Al Assad government.[5] One of them was writer and politician Jürgen Todenhöfer, who holds a balanced position on the conflict and recently travelled to Damascus for an interview with Al Assad, in order to let the Western world hear the “other side” as well.[6] The fact that anyone let Al Assad voice his opinion was already too much for Ms. Roth, who expressed her irritation with Mr. Todenhöfer’s trip to Syria in no uncertain terms.

At the same time, the first Western head of state to openly raise the possibility of attacking Syria was France’s newly elected “socialist” president François Hollande. In his statement he let the world know that he would “not rule out international military intervention in Syria”.[7]

Hollande’s election to the presidency expressed many people’s hope that Nicolas Sarkozy’s five years of reactionary, neoliberal and corrupt leadership would be replaced by a more humane way of governing. Unfortunately, when it comes to foreign policy, Hollande seems to carry on his predecessor’s neo-colonial agenda.[8]

In the cases of both Libya and Syria, Bernard-Henri Lévy, a French “nouveau” philosopher, professional self-promoter and frequent object of media mockery, called upon his government to intervene and prevent the “killing of innocent civilians”. [9] Of course his open call for war was sold as humanitarian grassroots activism. In an open letter to the French president, published (among others) by Huffington Post, Lévy used the massacre in Hula as a justification for intervention.[10] The fact that evidence indicates that the victims of this terrible crime were supporters of Al Assad’s government who were killed by insurgents[11] doesn’t matter to the black-and-white world of these virtuous philanthropic activists.

From “Auschwitz” in Bosnia and Kosovo to a “Syrian dictator” slaughtering women and children, the strategy of overcoming people’s resistance towards wars of aggression by appealing to their guilty conscience – the “don’t turn a blind eye” tactic – stays the same. And no one plays this game better than today’s “progressive” false samaritans.

Bearing all this in mind, we return to the example of Germany. To date, the country’s government has actively participated in spreading anti-Syrian propaganda, but has not expressed a pro-intervention enthusiasm comparable to the “progressive” pro-war disinformation campaign. Although not many positive things could be said about Chancellor Merkel’s neoliberal, U.S.-friendly government, Germany’s present administration at least does not seem to be inclined to risk a military adventure to the same extent as the Green/Social Democratic opposition, and continues to speak in favour of a “diplomatic solution”.[12] And while the current government’s track record proves they are far from innocent in matters of interventionism[13], things could get even worse during elections in 2013 if Germany’s government again forms a Social Democratic/Green coalition, as was the case from 1998 to 2005. After all, they managed to pull off a historic achievement by making war presentable again to the German public for the first time since 1945.

[8] During his presidency, Sarkozy was responsible for militarised intervention both in Cote d’Ivoire and Libya.

[13] All this, however, despite the fact that the German army and Federal Intelligence Service is providing military aid to the insurgents in Syria. See:http://www.wsws.org/articles/2012/aug2012/syri-a21.shtml.

Published on:

Global Research, September 21, 2012

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VIDEO: Syrian Opposition Studies Terror Tactics in Kosovo

Originally aired on Russia Today, May 4, 2012

The same horrors that were witnessed during the war in Kosovo are now apparently being prepared for the multi-confessional Syrian population by Islamist Syrian Liberation Army trained in Muslim Kosovo in the middle of Europe.

The Syrian Liberation Army group that actually formed the delegation to Kosovo has been fighting with the Syrian government for over a year now. This stand-off has claimed well over 9,000 lives, about half of them Syrian servicemen, law enforcers and officials.

Lately, the militants have been squeezed out of the Syrian cities and their positions along the Syrian-Turkish border. Being unable to turn the tide independently, the Syrian Liberation Army has been addressing to its foreign sponsors to start a military intervention into Syria to topple President Bashar Assad.

However, researcher and GlobalResearch.ca contributor Benjamin Schett told RT the Syrian rebels would not learn much in terms of military tactics from the KLA.

“The so-called Kosovo Liberation Army — this terrorist group — had in fact already been defeated by the Serbian army in 1998.”

Schett says that once Serbia agreed on a ceasefire, pulled back troops, and let in OSCE observers, the KLA used this situation to intensify their attacks so as to provoke a military reaction.

He continued that by presenting themselves as freedom fighters and victims to the Western media, the KLA secured a Western intervention in March 1999 after they staged a fake massacre in Račak.

Schett believes the Syrian rebels would go to Kosovo for knowledge in public relations techniques. He says despite their lack of military prowess, they were adept at making the Western public believe they were fighting for a justified cause amid reports they had committed a slew of war crimes and human rights abuses.

In 1998-1999 Kosovo separatists started an armed conflict with Belgrade to split the Kosovo region from Serbia. The war in the region was marked with mass atrocities and executions of the civilian population. Most of the Serbs that used to live in Kosovo became refugees.

In 2008, 10 years after the beginning of armed conflict with Serbia, Kosovo unilaterally proclaimed independence from Belgrade. Kosovo’s independence has been recognized by leading Western countries, most members of NATO and countries associated with the bloc.

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Prisoners in their own Land: The Struggle and Resistance of Serbs in Kosovo

NATO’s war against Serbia is far from over. Even before Serbia’s government, a pro-Western puppet regime, could come to a conclusion about whether or not to join NATO, NATO troops were already present on Serbian soil, more precisely in its southern province of Kosovo.

After the NATO bombing of the then-existing Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in 1999 and the agreement of Kumanovo, the installation of a UN Mission to Kosovo and the retreat of the Yugoslav army and Serbian police forces were agreed upon. In reality this has meant the expulsion of 250,000 Kosovo Serbs, Roma and other minorities by members of the NATO-hatched “Kosovo Liberation Army” (KLA) and other Albanian extremists, under the command of its so-called “protection force”. As a result, hundreds of civilians (many of them Albanians who opposed the KLA regime) were murdered, and in the remaining Serbian enclaves locals now lead a ghetto existence. Up to this point, only in the North of Kosovo has the Serbian population managed to lead a more or less self-determined lifestyle, thanks in no small part to the administrative border to the rest of Serbia. Nonetheless, they are increasingly isolated, impoverished and vulnerable, receiving little to no support from Serbia’s government.

After Kosovo unilaterally declared independence in 2008 under the leadership of alleged organ trader and recognized terrorist Hashim Thaci, the situation deteriorated further: in the manner of a Catch-22, NATO troops, known locally as “Kosovo Force” (KFOR), and the so-called “European Union Rule of Law Mission” (EULEX) were mandated to enforce the “sovereignty” of a territory which chose to separate against international laws, a process which also included the installation of Albanian customs officers along its Northern border in order to eradicate Serbian “parallel structures”.

In response, Serbian inhabitants constructed approximately 20 street barricades last July in the predominantly Serbian region of Northern Kosovo (consisting of the communities of Leposavić, Zvečan and Zubin Potok and the Northern section of Kosovska Mitrovica) in order to keep out EULEX and the “Kosovo government” frontiersmen. Clashes have already been provoked several times by KFOR soldiers who attempted to remove some of the barricades, employing the use of tear gas and truncheons against unarmed protesters.

Activists from Belgrade recently started to organise free bus trips into the Northern region of Kosovo in order to supply moral and material support to the Serbian population. The author was permitted to join one of these trips on the 26th of November, as one of approximately 200 participants. The group could be described as heterogeneous, ranging from members of Serbian youth organisations and humanitarian activists, to writers and private persons of all ages. Some of the people had roots in the different regions of the Province of Kosovo (now completely under Albanian/NATO control), such as a doctor whose father was killed by the KLA in 1999, and a young man living in Belgrade, who had to flee with his family from the provincial capital of Priština when he was still a child.

The administrative border of Kosovo can be passed without customs control and the Belgrade convoy arrived in Northern Mitrovica towards evening. Once there, inhabitants showed the visitors the first barricade, built with gravel and concrete, over the Ibar River that separates the Serbian North and the Albanian South of the town. Many graffiti with the label “1244” can be seen, which refers to the 1999 UN Resolution that explicitly excludes the possibility of an independent Kosovo. On the other side of the river silhouettes of pedestrians can be seen, locals who would probably never cross the few meters to the other side of town — a case which applies even more strictly in the reverse. It is not for nothing that in a nearby store, postcards with the engraving “bridge of disunion” can be purchased.

Barricade on the bridge dividing Northern and Southern Mitrovica

Northern Mitrovica is a place where civilians have become victims of assault again and again, the worst incident since 1999 being in March of 2004, when an Albanian mob killed 19 people and caused much destruction, both in the town as well as within the enclaves.

Barricade within the town of Mitrovica

While at the barricade, members of a Serbian writers’ association started to decorate the structure with hundreds of books that would later be donated to the local library. In a nearby tent tea was being served to the people to warm up during the night, while a gusle player performed for the crowd. (The gusle is a traditional South Slavic string instrument.)

Later several activists held speeches and a number of writers read their poetry. Volunteers were invited to donate blood for the local population. Several nearby coffee houses, as well as conversations with the bridge guards, made the night pass unexpectedly fast. The bridge guards are there to protect the people from assaults, and some have been doing their jobs already since the retreat of the Yugoslav Army in 1999. Protection has not been available from any other sources, the only exception being a group of French soldiers, who in the beginning at least tried to prevent attacks against civilians on some occasions. The German soldiers have a reputation locally that is considerably worse.

Early the next morning further excursions were organised, including visits to the localities of Rudar, Jagnjenica and Dudin Krs, where the most recent violent incidents took place a short time before the trip. Locals and soldiers are separated by barbed wire, and although the atmosphere seemed to be quiet, the previous happenings have shown that this can change rapidly.

Meters of barbed wire separate the people from NATO soldiers

With winter setting in, the question arises of what the future holds for the locals. After the 9th of December, when Serbia was denied status as an EU candidate, it can be expected that President Boris Tadić will try to strengthen pressure on the Kosovo Serbs to abandon their barricades. Tadić has his sights set on bringing Serbia closer to the European Union in order to gain the support of people who still think that Serbian membership might improve their living conditions, as the corporate media are saying.

In fact many people across all of Serbia, facing unemployment and privatisation, say that the current government is the worst and most unsocial one they have ever had. Certainly the Kosovo Serbs cannot count on the support of President Tadić’s pro-Western government, but they do have most of Serbia’s public support on their side, as demonstrated by the convoys being sent to the barricades.

More makeshift barricades block the roads within Kosovo

During the trip back to Mitrovica, a cemetary catches the visitor’s eye: the names on the tombstones are all Albanian, and in stark contrast to the centuries-old Serbian Orthodox monasteries and graves that have been decimated in recent years, this place is in good shape and there are no signs of vandalism. It is also not unusual to hear people speaking in Albanian in the Serbian-majority region of Northern Mitrovica, and in fact the whole city used to be ethnically mixed before the war.

Arguably, the lives of Albanians in what is now the Serbian-populated North seem to be more bearable than is the case for Serbs in the Albanian-dominated South: according to Serbian media there is one sole Serbian person left in Southern Mitrovica, an elderly retired woman who generally does not leave her house and receives her supply of daily goods through an Albanian colleague.

Another local ethnic group that has suffered significantly are the Roma. In June 1999, a short time after the NATO bombings, Albanian extremists burned down the “Romska Mahala” in Southern Mitrovica, which was one of the oldest Roma settlements in the Balkans. The UN administration settled them in a camp in the North, close to the famous Trepča mines. Tragically, because of lead poisoning, dozens of children became seriously ill.

The trip back to Belgrade was a time to reflect upon the experience as a whole. It is impossible to picture the population in the North of Kosovo ever accepting the reign of a force that is responsible for some of the most terrible crimes that could be imagined, from alleged organ trade and child prostitution to countless ethnically-motivated murders. Not to mention the NATO presence that dominates all of Kosovo.

The justified resistance of the Kosovo Serbs against a regime of globalised war, terror and poverty has to be treated as such and deserves support from across the globe. The name of Kosovska Mitrovica should stay in the memory of all engaged citizens, alongside names like Gaza, Caracas, Fallujah and the many other places where people stand up for a life of dignity.

People who are interested in getting more information on the issue or want to help or participate in a trip to the barricades are asked to contact Mr. John Bosnitch:  jbosnitch@gmail.com

Published on:

Global Research, December 12, 2011

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Solidaritätsfahrten nach Mitrovica: Serben im Kosovo fühlen sich von Regierung in Belgrad im Stich gelassen. Ein Gespräch mit Benjamin Schett

Interview: Rüdiger Göbel

Benjamin Schett studiert in Wien Osteuropäische Geschichte und beteiligt sich an Solidaritätsaktionen für die Serben im Kosovo

Bundeskanzlerin Angela Merkel hat am vergangenen Freitag mit Blick auf die Auseinandersetzungen im Kosovo konstatiert, Serbien sei nicht reif für EU-Beitrittsverhandlungen. Das Land werde den Anforderungen des Prozesses »nicht gerecht«. Sie sehe bei Serbien keinen Kandidatenstatus. Wie ist die Nachricht bei der serbischen Bevölkerung angekommen?

Diejenigen, die ihr Vertrauen in die Heilsamkeit eines EU-Beitritts bereits verloren haben oder ein solches noch nie hatten, dürften dies vor allem als einen weiteren Beweis dafür ansehen, daß von den NATO-Staaten nichts anderes als Erpressung zu erwarten ist – und dies nicht erst seit heute. Das geht so seit 20 Jahren. Jene, die nach wie vor auf einen EU-Beitritt hoffen, werden ihren Ohren nicht getraut haben: Seit dem Sturz des jugoslawischen Präsidenten Slobodan Milosevic vor elf Jahren hat Serbien dem Westen so ziemlich jeden Wunsch von den Lippen abgelesen, unter völliger Preisgabe seiner nationalen Souveränität. Von ungehemmter Privatisierung bis hin zur Auslieferung seiner Staatsbürger an ein »Tribunal«, welches von den NATO-Staaten finanziert wird, um derem Version der Ereignisse in den jugoslawischen Bürgerkriegen quasi rechtskräftig werden zu lassen. Doch all das reicht nicht aus: Obwohl nicht einmal alle EU-Staaten die »Republik Kosovo« anerkannt haben, wird dies von Serbien verlangt, um »Europa-tauglich« zu werden.

Daß die Kritik aus Deutschland kommt, macht die Sache nicht gerade besser: Von einem Land, das Serbien im 20. Jahrhundert dreimal angegriffen hat und eine Tradition der Zusammenarbeit mit Rechtsaußenkräften in Kroatien pflegt, will man sich ganz sicher nicht belehren lassen.

Von Belgrad aus starten Busse mit Unterstützern zu den protestierenden Serben im Norden des Kosovo, die sich der von Pristina 2008 proklamierten Sezession verweigern. Was ist das Ziel dieser Solidaritätsfahrten?

Die Kosovo-Serben fühlen sich von der prowestlichen Regierung im Stich gelassen. Premier Boris Tadic hat unlängst sogar die Beseitigung der Straßensperren gefordert. Es geht also nicht zuletzt um moralische Unterstützung und darum, auf die Belange der Menschen, die dort für ein Leben in Würde kämpfen, aufmerksam zu machen, in Serbien und weltweit. Außerdem werden humanitäre Güter – warme Kleidung, Öl, Mehl etc. – in die Region transportiert. Eine Gruppe serbischer Schriftsteller hat unlängst 3000 Bücher für die Bibliothek in Kosovska Mitrovica beigesteuert.

Sind weitere Fahrten geplant?

Ja. Reisebusse werden kostenlos zur Verfügung gestellt. Die Fahrt beginnt in Belgrad und endet in Kosovska Mitrovica, von wo aus diverse Barrikaden besucht werden. Die Teilnahme von Personen aus dem Ausland ist ausdrücklich erwünscht und würde helfen, die Aufmerksamkeit für das Thema über die Grenzen Serbiens hinaus auszudehnen. Wer sich dafür interessiert, kann sich an John Bosnitch (jbosnitch@gmail.com) wenden, der die Fahrten organisiert.

Wie sind die Lebensbedingungen der serbischen Bevölkerung im NATO-kontrollierten Kosovo?

Schlecht, so wie in den meisten Teilen Serbiens. Selbst in Belgrad hört man die Leute sagen, Tadics Regierung sei die unsozialste, die das Land je gehabt habe. In Kosovska Mitrovica gibt es nur unregelmäßig Strom. Verhungern muß keiner, aber viel mehr ist nicht drin. Hinzu kommt die permanente Anspannung. Man muß sich vor Augen halten, daß diese Menschen seit mehr als zwölf Jahren ständig, mal mehr mal weniger, politischer Gewalt ausgesetzt sind, und eine dramatische Verschlechterung der Lage jederzeit möglich ist.

In der vergangenen Woche wurde eine Delegation der kosovo-albanischen Regierung aus Pristina im Deutschen Bundestag empfangen, darunter Politiker, die Kriegsverbrechen begangen haben sollen bzw. Prozesse gegen Kriegsverbrecher blockieren, jW berichtete. Hat das in Serbien eine Rolle gespielt?

Die staatlichen und somit prowestlichen Medien halten sich natürlich zurück, den Unmut in der Bevölkerung noch zu vergrößern und berichten wenig über diese Vorgänge. Abgesehen davon glaube ich, daß solche Ereignisse die Menschen in Serbien zwar nach wie vor sehr aufregen, aber als überraschend kann man sie ja nicht mehr bezeichnen. Man denke nur daran, wie der mutmaßliche Organhändler und Terrorist ­Hashim Thaci von sämtlichen Politikern des Westens gehätschelt wurde und so vom Banditen zum Kosovo-»Premier« aufsteigen konnte.

Quelle: junge Welt, 08.12.2011

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Kosovo: Klare Fronten in Südamerika

Während der Protest gegen die durch die Achse Washington-Brüssel herbeigeführte Abspaltung der serbischen Provinz Kosovo in Westeuropa vor allem von der serbischen Diaspora organisiert wird und die meisten Linken sich bedeckt geben (mit potentiellen “Nationalisten” will man nichts zu tun haben), scheint die Ablehnung dieses völkerrechtswidrigen Aktes bei den fortschrittlichen Bewegungen in Mittel – und Südamerika selbstverständlich zu sein.

So lies der venezolanische Präsident Hugo Chavez verlauten, Venezuela werde Kosovo nicht als unabhängigen Staat anerkennen und stellte sich gegen die “Auflösung eines souveränen Staates in der Balkanregion”. Ausserdem provoziere eine solche Aktion weitere bewaffnete Auseinandersetzungen im Balkan. Hierzu passt auch, dass bereits Kontakte zwischen venezolanischen, studentischen Anti-Chavez-Bewegungen und früheren Otpor-Kämpfern bestehen. Letztere spielten eine herausragende Rolle beim CIA-gesteuerten Putsch gegen Präsident Slobodan Milosevic im Jahr 2000. Auch Boliviens Präsident Evo Morales steht der westlichen Balkanpolitik kritisch gegenüber und verweist auf die wohlhabende bolivianische Region Santa Cruz, wo ebenfalls separatistische Kräfte am Werk sind. Dort streben rechte Kreise eine möglichst weitreichende Autonomie (zum Teil auch eine Abspaltung) des öl-und erdgasreichen Gebietes an. Reaktionen aus Kuba sind bisher keine erfolgt, Fidel Castros Stellungnahmen der letzten Jahre sind allerdings eindeutig: In einem Artikel über Kosovo vom Oktober 2007 schrieb der, kürzlich von allen Ämtern zurückgetrene Comandante en Jefe, ein unabhängiges Kosovo diene ausschließlich den amerikanischen Interessen und Serbien verliere “Fabriken, Gebiete und Besitztum.” Dem Land verbleibe somit “nur die Verpflichtung, die vor 1998 für die Investitionen in Kosovo gemachte Auslandsschuld zu zahlen.” Auch aus lateinamerikanischen Staaten, wie Brasilien, Chile oder Argentinien sind kritische Stellungnahmen erfolgt. Einzig die Regierung des US-Satellitenstaates Costa Rica zeigt sich erfreut. Die Unabhängigkeitserklärung der kosovoalbanischen Behörden sei verständlich aufgrund der (angeblichen) serbischen Gräueltaten aus der Milosevic-Zeit. Auf dem amerikanischen Kontinent scheinen die Fronten noch geklärt zu sein. Nicht so im deutschsprachigen Raum, wo das Thema leider durch rechte Rattenfänger instrumentalisiert wird, während sich die Linke in Apathie übt. Ausgerechnet der österreichische FPÖ-Chef, Hans Christian Strache stellte sich klar gegen den albanischen Separatismus. In der Schweiz wird die geplante Anerkennung am meisten von Seiten der rechten “Schweizerischen Volkspartei”, SVP, kritisiert, während die Sozialdemokraten die stärksten Befürworter eines “Kosova-Staates” sind. Wo bleibt eine Anti-Kriegsbewegung, die klarstellt, dass es bei der Solidarität mit Serbien nicht um Stimmungsmache gegen den Islam geht (dies dürfte wohl den Hauptgrund rechter Sympathien für die Serben darstellen), sondern schlicht und einfach um Widerstand gegen einen amerikanischen (und leider auch europäischen) Imperialismus, dessen Opfer sowohl Serben als auch Muslime sind?

Veröffentlicht bei: CH-Vorwärts, 26.02.2008
Siehe: http://www.free-slobo.de/notes/080226bs.pdf

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Was wird aus Kosovo? Der Sicherheitsrat will entscheiden

Knapp acht Jahre nach dem Einmarsch der NATO-Truppen in die serbische Provinz Kosovo steht deren “Unabhängigkeit” unmittelbar bevor. Nun will der UN-Sicherheitsrat darüber entscheiden. Ein russisches Veto ist höchst wahrscheinlich.

Die USA ließen verlauten, sie würden Kosovo auch bei einer einseitigen Abspaltung als unabhängigen Staat anerkennen. Dass nach einem russischen Veto diese einseitige Erklärung folgen wird, ist so sicher wie das Amen in der Kirche.

“Wen kümmert´s”, könnte man denken, stünde man nicht vor einem gefährlichen Präzedenzfall: Es gibt weltweit mehr Minderheiten als Staaten. Und wieso sollte das Recht auf Abspaltung dann nur den Kosovo-Albanern zustehen? Außerdem stellt die von außen aufgezwungene Zerstückelung eines Staates, der Mitglied der Vereinten Nationen ist, einen klaren Bruch des Völkerrechts dar. Geschweige denn die Tatsache, dass die demokratisch legitimierte Verfassung Serbiens den Kosovo eindeutig als serbisches Territorium definiert.

Wem das alles zu abgehoben ist, der kann sich die aktuelle Situation im Kosovo selbst anschauen: 250 000 Menschen sind in den letzten Jahren durch albanische Extremisten vertrieben, wenn nicht umgebracht, worden. Vor allem Serben, aber auch zahlreiche Roma, Goraner (muslimische Slawen) und Türken. Die verbliebenen Minderheiten fristen ein erbärmliches Dasein in abgeschotteten Ghettos. Dies ist alles unter der Aufsicht der Nato-Truppen geschehen. Man. braucht nicht viel Phantasie, um sich vorzustellen, was geschehen wird, wenn der geringe Schutz, welchen die Besatzer gelegentlich noch garantieren konnten, auch noch wegfällt.

Die westliche Balkanpolitik ist ein von vielen Linken sträflich vernachlässigtes Thema. Was zu Beginn der Zerschlagung Jugoslawiens noch die Sache reaktionärer Kroatien-Freunde, wie dem ehemaligen deutschen Außenminister Hans-Dietrich Genscher, der “Frankfurter Allgemeinen Zeitung” oder der bayrischen CSU war, weitete sich spätestens mit dem Beginn des Bürgerkriegs in Bosnien zu einer breit angelegten antiserbischen Hetzkampagne aus, an welcher sogenannte NGOs genauso beteiligt waren wie die US-amerikanische Regierung oder islamistische Mujaheddin.

Veröffentlicht bei:

Unsere Zeit, 29. Juni 2007

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Le plan Ahtisaari est un échec: «230 000 Serbes et membres d’autres minorités expulsés»

Extraits d’une interview à la Radio X de Dusan Simko, chargé de cours à l’Institut de géographie de l’Université de Bâle sur l’indépendance prévue du Kosovo (17 mai 2007, interview: Benjamin Schett)

Extraits d’une interview à la Radio X de Dusan Simko, chargé de cours à l’Institut de géographie de l’Université de Bâle sur l’indépendance prévue du Kosovo (17 mai 2007)

Pourriez-vous nous expliquer brièvement le contenu du plan Ahtisaari?
Malheureusement, le plan du médiateur onusien Athisaari s’oriente d’après l’idée de réaliser d’abord l’indépendance de la région du Kosovo. Les droits des minorités (Serbes, peuple Rom, Gorans, Bosniaques, Turcs) ne devront être respectés qu’ultérieurement par le gouvernement kosovar. Donc Ahtisaari et ses diplomates se sont éloignés de la résolution 1244 de l’ONU qui garantit un Kosovo multiethnique mais sans séparation. En plus, l’armée rebelle UÇK n’a pas été désarmée mais transformée en une sorte de service technique qui, d’abord, aurait dû rester une petite troupe policière mais qui, en réalité, représentera très certainement la future armée du Kosovo indépendant […]

Comment voyez-vous le Kosovo dans le contexte des autres conflits des Balkans?
Le Kosovo n’a jamais été un Etat indépendant, mais le centre de la Serbie médiévale et fut, après la fin de l’occupation ottomane, rattaché à la Serbie en 1912. En 1991, la «commission Badinter» pour la Yougoslavie décida l’interdiction de toucher aux frontières des républiques partielles. C’est donc pour la première fois depuis 62 ans qu’un membre des Nations-Unies est dépecé. Beaucoup d’experts en droit international, par exemple le professeur Fleiner de Fribourg, voient cela comme un réel précédent. Le conflit avec la Russie, disposant d’un droit de veto et craignant des conflits avec ses propres minorités, est donc programmé.

Quelles pourraient être les conséquences d’un Kosovo indépendant dans la région et dans le monde entier?
Au cours des sept dernières années, 230 000 Serbes et membres d’autres minorités ont été expulsés, 165 églises et cloîtres ont été détruits. Tout cela s’est passé sous les yeux de la Kfor et de l’Unmik. Nous constatons donc une militarisation et une déstabilisation de la région. Ni le chômage ni la criminalité ne diminueront. Dans le futur gouvernement du Kosovo, il y aura des criminels de guerre présumés et des membres des clans criminels qui exercent la traite des hommes et le trafic de drogues.
Le plan Ahtisaari est un échec parce qu’il ne s’adresse qu’à une seule partie. Il méprise le fait que tant le gouvernement serbe que la constitution serbe, qui désigne le Kosovo comme partie inséparable de l’Etat serbe, sont démocratiquement légitimés. Le Kosovo en tant que précédent est aussi problé­matique pour certains Etats d’Europe occidentale mais surtout d’Europe orientale parce que, là aussi, il y a des mouvements d’indépendance au sein d’un certain nombre de minorités.

Source: Radio X du 17/5/07
(Traduction Horizons et débats)

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